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Trump says he's 'not looking for a fight' with Iran but stands ready to act if necessary. President Donald Trump said Wednesday he doesn't want to carry out a U.S. strike on Iran but suggested he stands ready to act if it's necessary to extinguish Iran's nuclear program. Trump continued his increasingly pointed warnings about the U.S. joining Israel in striking at Tehran's nuclear program as Iran's leader warned anew that the United States would be greeted with stiff retaliation if it attacks. The stakes are high for Trump — and the world — as he engages in a push-pull debate between his goals of avoiding dragging the U.S. into another war and preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. “I’m not looking to fight," Trump told reporters in the Oval Office. "But if it’s a choice between fighting and having a nuclear weapon, you have to do what you have to do.” Trump pondered his next steps as the U.S. embassy in Israel began evacuating a number of diplomats and family members who had asked to leave Israel. Meanwhile, senior European diplomats are set to hold talks with Iran in Geneva on Friday, according to a European official familiar with the matter. The official, who was not authorized to comment publicly and requested anonymity, said the high-ranking diplomats from Germany, France and the United Kingdom as well as the European Union’s top diplomat will take part in the talks. Trump, who met with his national security aides for a second straight day in the White House Situation Room, also told reporters it’s not “too late” for Iran to give up its nuclear program. “I may do it, I may not do it,” Trump said of a potential U.S. strike. “I mean, nobody knows what I’m going to do.” “Nothing is finished until it is finished,” he added, signaling a decision could soon. “The next week is going to be very big — maybe less than a week." No surrender from Iran- Trump also offered a terse response to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's refusal to heed to his call for Iran to submit to an unconditional surrender. “I say good luck,” Trump said. Khamenei earlier in the day warned that any U.S. strikes targeting the Islamic Republic will “result in irreparable damage for them” and that his country would not bow to Trump’s call for surrender. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth told lawmakers that the Pentagon was providing possible options to Trump as he decides next steps on Iran. Trump had said Tuesday the U.S. knows where Khamenei is hiding but doesn’t want him killed — “for now.” “He is an easy target, but is safe there - We are not going to take him out (kill!), at least not for now," Trump said. Trump’s increasingly muscular comments toward the Iranian government follow him urging Tehran’s 9.5 million residents to flee for their lives as he cut short his participation in an international summit earlier this week to return to Washington for urgent talks with his national security team. Trump said that the Iranian officials continue to reach out to the White House as they’re “getting the hell beaten out of them” by Israel. But he added there's a “big difference between now and a week ago" in Tehran's negotiating position. “They’ve suggested that they come to the White House — that’s, you know, courageous,” Trump said. Iran's mission to the United Nations rejected Trump's claim in a statement on social media. “No Iranian official has ever asked to grovel at the gates of the White House. The only thing more despicable than his lies is his cowardly threat to ‘take out’ Iran’s Supreme Leader. ” Enter Putin- The U.S. president said earlier this week Russian President Vladimir Putin offered to serve as a mediator with Iran. But Trump said he told Putin to keep focused on finding an endgame to his own conflict with Ukraine. “I said, ‘Do me a favor, mediate your own,’” Trump said he told Putin. “I said, ‘Vladimir, let’s mediate Russia first. You can worry about this later.’” The comments represented a shift for Trump, who earlier this week said he was “open” to Putin's offer to mediate. Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov said earlier Wednesday that Moscow has cautioned Washington against offering direct military assistance to Israel. “We are warning Washington against even speculative, hypothetical considerations of the sort,” Ryabkov said, according to the Interfax news agency. “That would be a step drastically destabilizing the situation as a whole.” The Russia-Iran relationship has deepened since Putin launched a war on Ukraine in February 2022, with Tehran providing Moscow with drones, ballistic missiles, and other support, according to U.S. intelligence findings. MAGA allies raise questions- Trump is also facing growing skepticism about deepening U.S. involvement in the Mideast crisis from some of his most ardent supporters. Trump during his 2024 run for the White House promised voters he would quickly end the wars in Ukraine and Gaza and keep the U.S. out of costly conflicts. Steve Bannon, who served as a senior adviser to Trump during his first administration, said the administration should tread carefully. “This is one of the most ancient civilizations in the world, ok?" Bannon told reporters at an event sponsored by the Christian Science Monitor. "With 92 million people. This is not something you play around with. You have to think this through. And the American people have to be on board. You can’t just dump it on them.” Bannon and other Trump allies, including Turning Point USA's Charlie Kirk and conservative pundit Tucker Carlson, have raised concerns that direct U.S. involvement in the conflict could be seen as a betrayal to some members of Trump's coalition and cause a schism in MAGA world. To be certain, some Trump backers are supportive of the president taking military action against Iran and play down the risk of the U.S. getting mired in a conflict. “In terms of U.S. involvement in military action, there is zero possibility of American boots on the ground in Iran,” Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, said. Trump pushed back at the notion that deepening U.S. involvement could impact his standing with his base. “My supporters are more in love with me today, and I’m in love with them more than they were even at election time when we had a total landslide,” Trump said.

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Who are the sponsors of wars in Congo, Sudan and South-Sudan? Chad, Libya, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt, UAE and Iran are directly and indirectly involved in the wars in these countries. Why are there no protest in European elite countries and America against these war sponsors in Africa? External Interests and Rivalries Fueling Conflicts in Congo, Sudan, and South Sudan:- Wars in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Sudan, and South Sudan are complex, protracted conflicts with deep internal roots, yet significantly inflamed and sustained by a web of external state and non-state actors. These sponsors, driven by diverse geopolitical, economic, and security interests, provide financial, military, and political support to various factions, often exacerbating instability and prolonging the suffering of civilian populations. Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC): A History of Regional Meddling and Resource Exploitation The long-standing conflicts in the DRC, particularly in its eastern regions, have been marked by extensive foreign interference. Neighboring countries Rwanda and Uganda have been repeatedly accused by UN experts and international observers of backing rebel groups, most notably the M23. This support allegedly includes direct military intervention, arms provision, and financial assistance. Their motivations are often linked to their own security concerns, such as combating hostile armed groups operating from Congolese territory, and significant economic interests, particularly the lucrative trade in minerals like gold, coltan, and diamonds. Other regional powers have also been involved. Burundi has reportedly sent troops into the DRC, at times allied with the Congolese army and at others with interests that align with or counter Rwandan and Ugandan objectives. Historically, countries like Angola, Zimbabwe, and Namibia intervened in past Congo wars, supporting different sides of the conflict. Beyond immediate neighbors, wider international interests are at play. While less direct in recent frontline combat, historical involvement from countries like France, Belgium (the former colonial power), the United States, and China has shaped the political and economic landscape. Regional blocs such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community (EAC) have deployed forces with mandates to stabilize the region, though their efforts are often complicated by the intricate network of alliances and rivalries. The draw of the DRC's vast natural resources continues to be a significant magnet for various international corporations and shadowy networks, whose activities can indirectly fuel conflict. Sudan: A Vicious Power Struggle Entangled with Foreign Agendas The devastating conflict that erupted in Sudan in April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) quickly drew in external sponsors. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has been widely implicated as a key backer of the RSF, allegedly supplying weapons, drones, and financial aid. This support is seen as part of the UAE's broader strategy to project influence in the Red Sea region and secure economic interests, including gold mining operations largely controlled by the RSF. Conversely, Egypt has a long-standing relationship with the Sudanese military establishment and is reported to be a primary supporter of the SAF, led by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan. Cairo views a stable, military-led Sudan as crucial for its own national security, particularly concerning border stability and the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam upstream on the Blue Nile. Iran has also emerged as a notable supporter of the SAF, reportedly providing drones and other military assistance. This marks a renewal of ties and is viewed by some analysts as an effort by Tehran to counter regional rivals and expand its influence in a strategically important area. Russia, primarily through the activities of the Wagner Group (now rebranded), has established a footprint in Sudan, focusing on gold mining concessions and security arrangements. While initially appearing to cultivate ties with both factions, recent reports suggest a potential alignment with Iran in supporting the SAF, though its overarching goal remains securing access to resources and projecting power. Other regional actors, including Chad and elements within Libya (specifically Khalifa Haftar's Libyan National Army), have been accused of facilitating support for the RSF. Saudi Arabia and Turkey also hold significant political and economic interests in Sudan and have engaged with various parties, though their direct military sponsorship in the current conflict is less clear-cut than that of the UAE, Egypt, or Iran. South Sudan: Civil War Compounded by Regional Rivalries and Resource Politics The civil war that plagued South Sudan from 2013, shortly after its independence, also saw significant external involvement. Uganda openly deployed its troops in support of President Salva Kiir's government against rebel factions led by Riek Machar, playing a crucial role in preventing the government's collapse in the early stages of the war. The conflict in neighboring Sudan has more recently had a direct impact on South Sudan's internal dynamics and external alignments. President Kiir's government has reportedly sought closer ties with the UAE and the RSF in Sudan to safeguard South Sudan's critical oil exports, much of which transits through Sudan and areas under RSF influence. This has potentially strained relations with the SAF, which, in turn, has been accused of reactivating ties with opposition groups within South Sudan. Regional bodies, particularly the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), have been central to mediation efforts, often with the backing of the "Troika" – the United States, the United Kingdom, and Norway. However, neighboring countries like Sudan (prior to its current internal conflict), Kenya, and Ethiopia have also been described as "financiers" or "regulators" of the conflict, at times providing material support to different factions or leveraging their influence in peace negotiations to serve their own strategic and economic interests. The control and revenue from South Sudan's substantial oil reserves remain a critical factor influencing both internal power struggles and external involvement. In conclusion, the wars in the DRC, Sudan, and South Sudan are fueled by a dangerous confluence of internal grievances and external interference. A multitude of state and non-state actors, driven by a complex array of geopolitical ambitions, security concerns, and economic opportunism – particularly the exploitation of vast natural resources – continue to sponsor various warring parties. This external involvement often undermines peace efforts, prolongs the conflicts, and deepens the humanitarian crises afflicting these nations. By Jo Ikeji-Uju https://afriprime.net/pages/Anything

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Trump risks pushing Europe into China’s arms- In recent years, the European Union and Taiwan have quietly, but meaningfully, deepened their ties, especially in trade and technology. The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated this shift, as European policymakers looked for ways to reduce overreliance on China. Taiwan, with its cutting-edge semiconductor industry and democratic governance, stood out as a natural partner. But economics wasn’t the only driver. Growing unease over China’s geopolitical assertiveness, particularly in the Indo-Pacific, has led European leaders to reassess their strategic posture. Security concerns, coupled with the push for more resilient supply chains, brought Taiwan into sharper focus in EU foreign policy circles. This progress, however, could be undone — not by Beijing, but by Washington. President Trump’s reemergence on the international stage has already caused unease among America’s allies. His first term was marked by unpredictable trade policies and open skepticism toward longstanding alliances. By imposing tariffs on both rivals and partners and frequently shifting course, the Trump administration often left Europe scrambling to adapt. The Biden administration, in contrast, worked to rebuild trust and promote policy alignment, particularly on China and Taiwan, after years of friction. That effort took on new urgency following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which reminded Europe of the need for solidarity among democracies. But cracks are beginning to reappear. Within months of Trump’s return to power, signals of divergence have emerged, including in how Europe approaches China. This growing rift matters. As Beijing steps up military pressure on Taiwan, the island doesn’t just need U.S. support — it needs a broad coalition of democratic partners willing to push back through coordinated, credible action. Trade ties, diplomatic engagement, and participation in multilateral forums all bolster Taiwan’s international standing. If Europe drifts from Washington, or vice versa, Taiwan could find itself increasingly isolated. Ironically, a U.S. administration that seeks to confront China might end up making that harder by alienating the very allies it needs to succeed. There’s already some evidence of this shift. In recent months, several European leaders have softened their rhetoric on China, emphasizing engagement over confrontation. Some of that may be driven by economic concerns, but a lot of it has to do with trust — or the lack of it. If European capitals view Washington as unreliable or transactional, they may see more value in hedging their bets with Beijing. Of course, the EU is hardly unified. While countries like Lithuania have taken bold stances in support of Taiwan, others — Germany and Italy, for instance — have shown more caution and in some cases, such as Hungary, even direct support for China. A divided Europe, combined with a less dependable United States, would make for a dangerous cocktail in an already volatile global climate. Trump’s foreign policy team may recognize China as a strategic threat, but they haven’t always understood the value of alliances. Washington can’t confront Beijing alone. Without European backing, U.S. efforts lose legitimacy, scale, and diplomatic reach. Meanwhile, China is watching closely. Beijing has already made inroads by presenting itself as a stable alternative to Western unpredictability — especially in Africa, Latin America and the Pacific. If America once again turns inward or lashes out at its allies, Europe may have little choice but to pursue a more pragmatic, less principled relationship with Beijing. Walking away from the groundwork laid by the Biden administration — like the Australia-United Kingdom-U.S. partnership, AUKUS, the U.S.-Indo-Pacific “Quad” cooperative and renewed EU-U.S. strategic talks — would be a costly error. Short-term political gains in Washington shouldn’t come at the expense of long-term global leadership. The bottom line is simple: If the U.S. is serious about deterring Chinese aggression and defending Taiwan, it needs Europe. Not just as a symbolic partner, but as a committed one. Undermining the transatlantic alliance isn’t just bad diplomacy. It’s a gift to Beijing — and a gamble Taiwan may not be able to afford. By Jo Ikeji-Uju https://afriprime.net/pages/Anything

Mobile Network Expansion: Analyzing Growth in Cellular Network Subscription The Cellular Network Subscription Market is expected to grow from USD 7.41 billion in 2024 to USD 7.86 billion in 2025, reaching USD 13.31 billion by 2034. This represents a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 6.32% during the forecast period from 2025 to 2034. The Cellular Network Subscription Market is experiencing dynamic growth as increased mobile connectivity, the proliferation of smartphones, and the advent of 5G technology reshape communication landscapes globally. Market players are focusing on expanding subscription services while leveraging advancements in network infrastructure to offer enhanced data speeds, connectivity, and quality of service. As mobile internet becomes a primary channel for communication and commerce, cellular subscriptions are pivotal for meeting both individual and enterprise connectivity needs. According to recent insights, the market has seen steady growth driven by rising mobile penetration, digital transformation initiatives, and increasing consumer demand for mobile data services across various demographics. Request a Free Sample Copy or View Report Summary: https://www.marketresearchfuture.com/sample_request/30144 Market Scope The Cellular Network Subscription Market encompasses multiple facets of mobile connectivity services including: Voice and Data Plans: Traditional call services coupled with high-speed internet access. Value-Added Services (VAS): Additional services such as mobile messaging, streaming, and cloud-based applications. Prepaid and Postpaid Subscriptions: Catered to diverse consumer segments, ensuring affordability and flexibility. IoT and M2M Connectivity: Enhancing connectivity for emerging smart devices and industrial applications. These services are delivered using various technologies, notably 3G, 4G LTE, and increasingly, 5G networks, facilitating a competitive, high-speed, and scalable mobile ecosystem. Regional Insight North America: Characterized by high mobile penetration, advanced network infrastructure, and a mature market environment, North America remains a leading region. Growth is further stimulated by the early adoption of 5G services and innovative subscription plans. Europe: The European market benefits from progressive regulatory frameworks and consumer demand for high-speed connectivity. Advanced markets like the United Kingdom, Germany, and France are witnessing steady growth with investments in next-generation networks. Asia-Pacific: This is the fastest-growing region in the market, driven by rapid urbanization, burgeoning smartphone penetration, and a tech-savvy population in countries such as China, India, and Southeast Asia. Here, competitive pricing and expanding rural connectivity continue to boost cellular subscriptions. Latin America & MEA: Emerging markets in these regions are experiencing gradual adoption due to improving telecommunication infrastructure and growing consumer awareness, albeit at a slower pace compared to more developed regions. Growth Drivers and Challenges Key Growth Drivers: Technological Advancements: The rollout of 5G networks promises higher data speeds, lower latency, and improved connectivity, driving consumer interest. Increasing Smartphone Adoption: Rising demand for smartphones, particularly in emerging markets, fuels higher subscription rates. Digital Transformation: Both enterprises and consumers are increasingly relying on mobile internet for communication, banking, entertainment, and work-from-home solutions. Expansion of Value-Added Services: Enhanced offerings, including bundled streaming services, cloud storage, and IoT connectivity, augment subscription attractiveness. Major Challenges: Regulatory and Spectrum Allocation Issues: Varying regulations and delays in spectrum allocation may hinder rapid deployment of advanced networks. Competition and Price Wars: High levels of competition among telecom operators can lead to saturated markets and reduced margins. Infrastructure Investment: Continuous investments are required to upgrade and maintain network infrastructure, particularly with the transition to 5G. Security Concerns: Increasing cyber threats and data privacy issues require robust security measures, adding to operational complexities. Buy Research Report (111 Pages, Charts, Tables, Figures) – https://www.marketresearchfuture.com/checkout?currency=one_user-USD&report_id=30144

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