Arab states can and are building stronger South-South alliances across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, which serves as one of the most effective long-term strategies to reduce European political and normative influence.

This effort is not merely symbolic; it is a geoeconomic and geostrategic pivot driven by trillions of dollars in Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) and a desire to dismantle the Western-centric global governance structures that enable European-style political conditionalities (human rights, democracy, etc.).

The Foundations of the South-South Pushback 

The Arab world's strategy is successful because it is founded on principles that directly address the historical grievances of post-colonial states in the Global South against the West.

1. The "No-Strings-Attached" Model of Engagement

European engagement with the Global South, including many Arab and African states, is often defined by conditionalities—tying aid, trade, and diplomatic recognition to internal political reforms, human rights benchmarks, and good governance. Arab states, particularly the wealthy Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar), offer a radically different model:

• Financial Pragmatism: They deploy massive investments via SWFs, focusing on mutual economic gain and infrastructure, without imposing Western political norms. This appeals immensely to developing nations prioritizing rapid economic development over political liberalization.

• Sovereignty and Non-Interference: The core principle of South-South cooperation is mutual respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs. This principle, which dates back to the 1955 Bandung Conference, is a direct rejection of European-led interventionism and conditional diplomacy.

2. Geoeconomic Investment and Infrastructure Dominance

The shift in power is most visible in the scale and nature of Arab financial engagement in Africa and Asia. This economic presence directly challenges Europe's traditional role as the primary financial and trade partner.

• Infrastructure and Logistics: Arab states, notably the UAE and Saudi Arabia, are heavily investing in ports, logistics hubs, and infrastructure corridors across Africa and Asia. The UAE's expansion in African ports (e.g., in the Horn of Africa) and its participation in initiatives like the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEEC) demonstrate an effort to become an indispensable node in global trade networks, shifting the center of gravity away from solely European-controlled routes.

• Filling the Funding Gap: Gulf states funnel billions into energy, mining, telecommunications, and agriculture, often stepping in where Western financiers have withdrawn due to risk aversion or compliance with Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) standards. This financial fluidity and flexibility reduce the reliance of African and Asian nations on European financial institutions like the World Bank or the IMF.

• The Energy Transition Nexus: Gulf countries are positioning themselves as crucial partners for Africa's energy transition, pledging billions for renewable energy projects. While some of this is driven by self-interest, it allows them to frame themselves as a necessary, proactive partner for a shared global challenge, further sidelining Europe's attempts to dominate the green agenda.

Institutionalizing the Multipolar World Order 

The most powerful indicator of the Arab strategy's success is its formal integration into non-Western multilateral institutions, which are specifically designed to erode the dominance of the G7 and EU.

1. The BRICS+ Factor

The expansion of BRICS in 2024 to include Egypt, the UAE, Iran, Saudi Arabia (invited), and Ethiopia is a watershed moment. This collective grouping provides Arab states with unparalleled political leverage:

• Institutional Shield: BRICS serves as a platform for Arab states to coordinate policies and collectively push back against unilateral Western sanctions or political pressure in international forums.

• Economic Clout: The expanded BRICS now accounts for a larger share of global GDP (adjusted for Purchasing Power Parity) and a significant portion of the world's crude oil exports. This enhanced economic power, driven in large part by the Arab members, gives them a stronger voice in reforming global financial governance and pushing for de-dollarization—a move that fundamentally undermines Western economic leverage, including that of the Eurozone.

2. Deepening Ties with the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO)

Key Arab states like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar are involved with the SCO, a Eurasian security and political bloc led by China and Russia.

• Security Diversification: Engagement with the SCO, alongside participation in the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum (CASCF) and the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), allows Arab nations to deepen security and counter-terrorism cooperation with non-Western powers. This further diversifies their security dependencies away from NATO-aligned Europe and the U.S.

• Strategic Alignment: The SCO is a vehicle for promoting the principle of a multipolar world where no single power or bloc dictates terms—a narrative strongly embraced by Arab leaders seeking greater strategic autonomy.

Limitations and Nuances in Reducing European Influence 

While the South-South strategy is powerful, it does not mean Europe's influence vanishes entirely.

1. Indispensable Western Security

Arab states, especially the Gulf monarchies, still rely heavily on the U.S. security umbrella for deterrence against major regional threats (primarily Iran). Europe, through its contribution to NATO and its own naval missions, is a necessary component of this Western security architecture. The South-South pivot is a tool for hedging and maximizing autonomy, not for outright substitution of Western security.

2. Trade and Technological Reliance

Europe remains a vital partner for high-end technology, education, and luxury goods. The EU is a major trading partner, and its markets are crucial for Arab economic diversification. Furthermore, in North Africa (Morocco, Egypt, Tunisia), geographical proximity and historical ties mean that European influence in trade and migration control is deeply entrenched and cannot be easily severed by a pivot to distant partners.

3. The Risk of "New Extractivism"

The Arab states' focus on geoeconomic interests in Africa, while financially robust, has drawn criticism for potentially creating a "new form of extractivism." If African partners perceive the Arab investment model as primarily serving the Gulf states' resource and security interests without generating broad, equitable local development, the solidarity inherent in the South-South movement could fracture.

In conclusion, the Arab push to solidify South-South alliances—institutionalized through BRICS, capitalized by Sovereign Wealth Funds, and anchored in the principle of non-conditional cooperation—is effectively reducing Europe's political and normative leverage. It is compelling European countries to shift their regional engagement from one based on ideological conditionalities to one based on pragmatic, transactional economic interests to avoid being strategically marginalized. This multipolar reality is an enduring strategic win for Arab leaders.